The advances towards democracy in Burma are fragile and tentative.
President Obama had called for Suu Kyi’s release, and in an announcement that
seemed time to coordinate with the announcement from Burma the administration said
Secretary of State Clinton will visit Burma in an effort to encourage the efforts
towards reconciliation so far and to encourage further progress. Clinton on
Friday called for the release of all political prisoners in Burma as one
requirement for the full normalization of relations.
Suu Kyi received the Nobel Peace Prize in 1991. With the
prize money she established a health and education trust in Burma. She also won
the Sakharov Prize for Freedom of Thought in 1990, and many other international
awards but she spent most of the time since 1989 either confined to her home or
imprisoned. Suu Kyi was married to Michael Aris and has two children. Her husband whom she married in 1972, died in 1999. Suu Kyi saw her husband just five times after her arrest. As an inducement to abandon her campaign for democratic rule the Burmese military offered Suu Kyi the opportunity to leave to visit Aris when he was dying of cancer. Believing that she would not be allowed to reenter the country after departing, she refused. She did not see him before he passed.
In a near Kafkaesque regimen of release and detention Suu
Kyi participated in small flowerings of democracy in Burma over the years only
to see her followers beaten, jailed, and killed after which Suu Kyi would be
detained again without trial or charges.
In 2003 during one of the periods when some movement was tolerated the
government precipitated a massacre at Depayin. Suu Kyi and her followers were
on their way to a political rally, when they were set upon by paramilitary associates
of the government. At least 70 were killed and the government used the violence
that they precipitated as cover for further detention of Suu Kyi.
Nelson Mandela was confined for 27 years, 18 on Robben
Island. When he walked free in 1990 Mandela led the African National Congress
to victory in free and fair elections in the Republic of South Africa. In 1985
Mandela was offered his freedom in exchange for renouncing violence as a tactic
in the overthrow of the South African white ruled government. Stating that, “Only
free men can negotiate. A prisoner cannot enter into contracts”, Mandela
refused.
Nelson Mandela had Robben Island. Suu Kyi had the house on
Inya Lake. She was forbidden visitors, and the home itself was allowed to
deteriorate with little repair during her confinement. In 2009 an American
attempted to meet with her, by swimming across the Lake. He was detained and
later released after intervention by Senator Jim Webb, but the Burmese
givernement penalized Suu Kyi by extending her house arrest by 18 months. Still
Suu Kyi persevered, taking every opportunity to speak to the cause of freedom
and democracy through peaceful and democratic means. As with Mandela she
neither turned to the darkness of the soul, nor abandoned the non-violent, Buddhist,
principles from which she sprung and through which she advocated political
reform.
Meanwhile Burma, now Myanmar, has spiraled into ever deeper
isolation and depravation. As is so often the case, a small minority lives as
kings while the vast majority suffers. Child labor, forced labor, human and
drug trafficking have been repeatedly sighted by the UN and human rights
organizations such as Amnesty International and Human Rights watch. Ethnic
divisions, so common at the end of colonial rule across Asia and Africa where the
colonial powers often aggravated tensions for their own purposes are a constant
thread in Burmese society. During the
long reign of dictatorial rule the Military has used these tensions, much as we
have recently seen with despots have in the Middle East, to justify their grip
on power. Despite the stratospheric growth of other economies across Southeast
Asia and a wealth of natural resources, Burma’s economy has stagnated, ranking
163 in GDP per capita at $1,250 per year. By example, neighboring Thailand has
an average GDP of nearly $5,000 per capita.
I have recently
been studying the Progressive Era in American history with my son. In this
period from roughly 1890 to 1920, the US constitution was amended to provide
for the direct election of Senators who had formally been elected by notoriously
corrupt state legislatures. Anti-Trust legislation was passed. After a period
where it was exclusively used to rein in labor unions fighting at the time for
the most basic reforms, it was eventually turned towards the oligopolies
chewing up the transportation, coal and oil, and other heavy industries. Initiatives
were passed at the State level to create legislation, overturn legislation on
referendum, and recall elected officials. Congress also created the Interstate Commerce
Commission to regulate rail costs. The ICC s now a bedrock of business
regulation across many industries in the US and essentially regulates any
commerce that crosses state lines. Women were finally given the right to vote.
Today six banks
control assets equal to 60% of the US GDP. That sort of power and consolidated
control of resources was a banker’s wet dream in 1910. Just 30 years ago, in
1990, that figure was 20%. Most Americans know how few companies control the
oil and energy industries today, but few would guess how deeply engrained these
companies are becoming in the emerging green energy market. That involvement seems
mostly designed to divert the effort for green energy rather than to encourage
it, but the oil companies are investing billions. Most dangerously, gilded politicians
of both parties have been corrupted by the torrent of cash washing through the electoral
process.
Our times call
out for a new progressive area. But there are those that look at those in OWS,
or Occupy Oakland, or DC or whatever and cannot see the urgency of the
situation. There are those that say they understand their motives, but cannot agree
with people being inconvenienced on their way to work or in their apartments at
the edge of the financial district. Despite the monstrous crimes that have damaged
literally millions of American households there are those that long for prettier
more well—groomed protesters, and less confrontational tactics. Americans it
seems have no taste for the discomfort of obviously needed change.
But on the other
side of the world despite the destitution of her people and the deprivation of
her own existence Suu Kyi continues the fight. In 1990 she gave a speech
entitled Freedom from Fear. In it she
said, “It is not power that corrupts but fear. Fear of losing power corrupts
those who wield it and fear of the scourge of power corrupts those who are
subject to it.”
Today Daw Aung
San Suu Kyi is on the verge of realizing aspirations which she has fought and sacrificed
for over decades. To those that believe as Martin Luther King did that “Injustice
anywhere is a threat to justice everywhere” we can only hope there are great
days ahead for Burma. We applaud Suu Kyi’s perseverance, courage, passion and commitment.
At the same time we pray that America will awaken to the corruption at her soul,
corruption that threatens what it is to be an American. There seems to be a growing
sense both for those opposed and those in favor that once the OWS go home for
the winter or whatever we can just move on and that will have been that. We are
so short of attention span as a nation with distractions and toys in abundance.
But when we recall the greatness of Americans who came before that made this
country what it is, let us remember the Greatest Generation of WW II, but let
us also remember those that insisted on change for the better despite the long
odds. In their name, and that of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi let us vow to fight on.
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